How-to-Make Three Corrugated Pinhole Cameras: Wide-Angle, Normal, Telephoto

Book Description
How-To-Guide on constructing and using a large 8x10 corrugated pinhole camera. It instructs you on how to make three different cameras: wide-angle, normal and telephoto. Included in the booklet are six ( lenses ) 1.5-in. sq. sheets of .002 brass shims. Three shims have individual precision hand-drilled pinholes in different diameters the extra blank shims are included for the buyer to make their own pinholes; explained in STEP 9 How-to-make a pinhole. The How-To-Guide includes: Historical notes, Technical facts, where to buy 8x10 film and how to make a 12-inch square platform for a tripod stand.


About the Author
Anita Chernewski a New York photographer grew up in Brooklyn, New York. Chernewski's photography career started in the 1960's along with her other interests of art, film making, theatre and drama. She was intrigued with the magic that went on behind the scenes: set design and lighting. She bought a second hand camera and started photographing dolls and marionettes. The dolls became her theatre troupe; her cast of characters. This led her to another series called "Wild Illusions" a group of photographs taken of the dioramas at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. The inanimate objects became her models, and the stage was set. Ms. Chernewski's other series include still life's, amusement parks and abstracts. She uses various photographic cameras such as 35mm , large format and pinhole cameras. She prints her images using different processes such as gelatin silver, vandyke, cyanotype and palladium. Ms. Chernewski's work has been exhibited internationally, and her photographs are in the permanent collections at The J. Paul Getty Museum, Brooklyn Museum, and in numerous private and corporate collections.


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Arlie Hochschild has a reputation for writing books that matter. One of her earlier works, The Managed Heart, was key in forming the sociology of emotions as a sub-field of Sociology. The Second Shift had such an impact on our understanding of the division of household labour, that the term entered everyday discourse about gender, much in the same way that terms like 'the feminine mystique' have. The Time Bind follows in this tradition, Hochschild writes in a way that maximizes her audience: although her writing emerges from careful and systematic study of research participants, her style is fully accessible to both academic and lay audiences. She presents her empirical findings with the graceful use of metaphor and a narrative style that opens a window on the heart and soul of her participants. Her metaphors are rich and diverse, including time castles, time debt and credit, time as a thief, time tantrums, and temporal prisons. Like all good writing, it is often the subtle but important details that keep the reader engaged. For example, in talking about the time famine that many families experienced, she mentioned approaching one family's home with 'unruly shrubs.' In another instance, she observed the harried mother opening the near empty fridge to wilted lettuce and a jar of olives. In another poignant section, she describes the illusion of leisure that is rooted in tales of boats that people worked hard to buy but which sat, unused, in garages because of lack of time.

The Time Bind is premised on evidence that indicates that work is consuming a greater portion of families' lives. She addresses two key questions in the book: 'Given longer work days, how do parents balance jobs with family life?'; 'Is work winning out over life at home?' To find her answers, she studied a Fortune 500 company that she called Amerco, and that was named one of the top 10 family-friendly companies in America by the Families and Work Institute of New York. In the true spirit of ethnography, she immersed herself in the lives of these employees and their families from dawn to dusk, doing interviews with 130 people in all (including top and middle managers, clerks and factory workers), attending performance meetings, sitting on the curb outside the plant, talking to childcare workers and being a visitor in employees' homes. This is a thorough study of the people in this company, and in many ways, presents a set of findings that would true for many other companies and communities in the US. However, as with most ethnographies, it is important that the reader keep the study parameters in mind when thinking beyond this group.

The book is divided into three sections. In the first section, the author sets the stage by discussing some general patterns in the way that work has come to dominate the experience of time in families. It is in this section that Hochschild puts forward one of her most controversial findings, which is reflected in the subtitle of the book When Work Becomes Home and Home Becomes Work. For approximately one-fifth of the families, work became the desired haven that provided 'respite from the emotional tangles at home.' Although Hochschild suggests that this is a trend in modern life, it appears misleading (and certainly open to misinterpretation by the press) to have it as a subtitle when only a relative small portion of families experienced this reversal.

The second section is attentive to the diversity of time experiences according to family structure and position in the company. The nine chapters focus on some of the unique temporal challenges associated with each set of circumstances. For example, one chapter tells the story of Bill Denton, a 10-hour a day senior manager who struggled between his devotion to climbing the ladder of success and accommodating a new generation of employees who wished for flex and leave time. Bill's rise to the top over the course of 30 years with the company was made possible by a bargain with his wife who agreed not to go out to work but instead to care for their now grown four children. Faced with the dilemma of creating a family-friendly workplace, Bill's strategy was to become a 'good daddy' at work in order to 'make work an emotionally comfortable environment in which to be efficient.' While paying lip service to balancing work and family life among his employees, Bill was adamant about the importance of employees putting in long hours as an expression of their commitment to the company. Through telling Bill's story, Hochschild nicely reveals the web of contradictions that reside at the interface between corporate tradition and a changing workforce.

Another chapter tells the story of Eileen who is an engineer at Amerco who requested a 60 percent position after a period of parental leave. As is the case with many other chapters, Hochschild sets up a bifurcative approach where she illustrates both the employee's struggle to find time for family and the company's philosophical and practical response to such an effort. At the outset, the reader is party to the discussion between Eileen and her husband, Jim, about who should take the leave, with the outcome being predictable: Jim was seen as more vulnerable in asking for part-time work and would risk being seen as a 'Neanderthal' on paternity leave. Eileen struggles with a boss who reluctantly approves her part-time appointment while expressing his belief in the importance of face time as an indicator of commitment and employee success. Eileen is granted the part-time appointment, proceeds to habitually work more than her 60 percent only to be fired from that position and relocated in a full-time job elsewhere in the company. Hochschild nicely summarizes the perils of moving to part-time from full-time in the name of family: 'To work part-time was to renege on an agreement to a whole, complete job.' Other chapters focus on the experience of a single mother working a 7-day rotating shift, a dad who decides to take advantage of parental leave and the experience over 'overtime hounds.'

The final section of the book addresses implications and alternatives. Hochschild introduces the notion of the 'third shift,' which is the time required to cope with the time compression of the second shift. With an increasing emphasis on efficiency, parents are becoming 'supervisors with stop watches, monitoring meals and bedtimes, and putting real effort into eliminating 'wasted' time.' They also seek to cope with a set of strategies that involves 'outsourcing' a variety of family tasks, such as hiring someone to put photos in an album, to leaving children at home alone for significant periods of time in the day. In the final chapter, Hochschild calls for a 'time movement,' which can only begin when family members begin to confront the fact that they are both 'prisoners and architects of the time bind in which they find themselves.' An important step in this direction is for people to begin to put their time where their values are.

This is an important book that strikes at the heart of our efforts to understand the ways that families navigate work and family worlds. It is an important book for academics with an interest in work-family and gender issues, company executives, human resources staff and workers themselves. Not only does this book help us to gain insight into the everyday dynamics of time, it offers some sobering challenges about out priorities in life.


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