Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community FROM OUR EDITORS
Since its peak in the mid-1960s, involvement in civic and community organizations in the United States has been on the decline. From bridge clubs to charity leagues to the NAACP, organizations across the country are seeing their numbers slowly dwindle as their members age. Why is it that, as Tom Kissell, national membership director for the Veterans of Foreign Wars observed, "[k]ids today just aren't joiners"? In Bowling Alone, Harvard professor Robert D. Putnam explores the changing role of community in the life of Americans.
FROM THE PUBLISHER
Once we bowled in leagues, usually after work; but no longer. This seemingly small phenomenon symbolizes a significant social change that Robert Putnam has identified and describes in this brilliant volume, Bowling Alone.
Drawing on vast new data from the Roper Social and Political Trends and the DDB Needham Life Style -- surveys that report in detail on Americans' changing behavior over the past twenty-five years -- Putnam shows how we have become increasingly disconnected from family, friends, neighbors, and social structures, whether the PTA, church, recreation clubs, political parties, or bowling leagues. Our shrinking access to the "social capital" that is the reward of communal activity and community sharing is a serious threat to our civic and personal health.
Putnam's groundbreaking work shows how social bonds are the most powerful predictor of life satisfaction. For example, he reports that getting married is the equivalent of quadrupling your income and attending a club meeting regularly is the equivalent of doubling your income. The loss of social capital is felt in critical ways: Communities with less social capital have lower educational performance and more teen pregnancy, child suicide, low birth weight, and prenatal mortality. Social capital is also a strong predictor of crime rates and other measures of neighborhood quality of life, as it is of our health: In quantitative terms, if you both smoke and belong to no groups, it's a close call as to which is the riskier behavior.
A hundred years ago, at the turn of the last century, America's stock of social capital was at an ebb, reduced by urbanization, industrialization, and vast immigration that uprooted Americans from their friends, social institutions, and families, a situation similar to today's. Faced with this challenge, the country righted itself. Within a few decades, a range of organizations was created, from the Red Cross, Boy Scouts, and YWCA to Hadassah and the Knights of Columbus and the Urban League. With these and many more cooperative societies we rebuilt our social capital.
We can learn from the experience of those decades, Putnam writes, as we work to rebuild our eroded social capital. It won't happen without the concerted creativity and energy of Americans nationwide.
Like defining works from the past that have endured -- such as The Lonely Crowd and The Affluent Society -- and like C. Wright Mills, Richard Hofstadter, Betty Friedan, David Riesman, Jane Jacobs, Rachel Carson, and Theodore Roszak, Putnam has identified a central crisis at the heart of our society and suggests what we can do.
FROM THE CRITICS
Publishers Weekly
"If you don't go to somebody's funeral, they won't come to yours," Yogi Berra once said, neatly articulating the value of social networks. In this alarming and important study, Putnam, a professor of sociology at Harvard, charts the grievous deterioration over the past two generations of the organized ways in which people relate to one another and partake in civil life in the U.S. For example, in 1960, 62.8% of Americans of voting age participated in the presidential election, whereas by 1996, the percentage had slipped to 48.9%. While most Americans still claim a serious "religious commitment," church attendance is down roughly 25%-50% from the 1950s, and the number of Americans who attended public meetings of any kind dropped 40% between 1973 and 1994. Even the once stable norm of community life has shifted: one in five Americans moves once a year, while two in five expect to move in five years. Putnam claims that this has created a U.S. population that is increasingly isolated and less empathetic toward its fellow citizens, that is often angrier and less willing to unite in communities or as a nation. Marshaling a plentiful array of facts, figures, charts and survey results, Putnam delivers his message with verve and clarity. He concludes his analysis with a concise set of potential solutions, such as educational programs, work-based initiatives and funded community-service programs, offering a ray of hope in what he perceives to be a dire situation. Agent, Rafe Sagalyn. 3-city tour; 20-city radio satellite tour. (June) Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.|
Library Journal
Putnam (Stanfield Professor of International Peace, Harvard) probes American history to identify, interpret, and weigh the forces influencing the major drop in civic involvement that characterized American society in the last third of the 20th century. Buttressing his arguments with a wide range of resources, references, and statistics from government, academic, and commercial sources, he explores the roles of generational, social, and technological factors as they relate to the dwindling of our nation's social capital. Putnam argues that "[the level of] social connectedness matters to our lives in the most profound way." How to respond to its current nadir? Putnam finds striking parallels between the situation today and the declining levels of social interaction in the late 1800s. He cites the rejuventating waves of change and reform generated during the Progressive Era, which stemmed that earlier decline, and suggests that a comparable burst of social inventiveness and political reform could activate the much-needed rebuilding of civic involvement and social connection in our time. This substantive and stimulating work is highly recommended for academics and a thoughtful general public audience. [Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 2/15/00.]--Suzanne W. Wood, SUNY Coll. of Technology at Alfred Copyright 2000 Cahners Business Information.\
The Standard
In the 1950s, my dad was a mason, belonged to a synagogue, played gin rummy with friends, read the newspaper every day, helped run the campaign of a candidate for county sheriff and voted in virtually every election. In sociological terms, my dad had a lot of social capital - a rich network of formal and informal relationships that were personally and professionally beneficial - and he was engaged in civic and political affairs. In short, he was just the sort Alexis de Tocqueville had in mind when he spoke of the American propensity for "forever forming associations" - and he wasn't alone.
As Robert Putnam shows in his new book, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, my dad was a product of the most civically engaged generation of the 20th century. But as he and others of the civic generation have passed from the scene, their children and their children's children have become increasingly disconnected from civic life and social networks. Not only are they voting less - nationwide turnout is down by about 25 percent since 1960 - but they are also far less engaged in civic and religious organizations, community projects, having friends over for dinner, card clubs and myriad other group activities.
In fact, as Putnam reported in a widely discussed article in the Journal of Democracy five years ago, the disconnection even extends to bowling. Putnam discovered that although more Americans than ever are bowling, league bowling has plummeted by more than 40 percent since 1980. Hence, the book's title.
Putnam is at his most persuasive in quantifying this collapse and speculating about its major causes. In part, this represents a response to critics of his earlier article who believed he had vastly overstated his case. Putnam has greatly expanded his research with the help of some 50 assistants and multimillion-dollar support from a who's who of major liberal foundations, including Carnegie, Ford, Rockefeller and the Pew Charitable Trusts.
The result is a fascinating analysis of decades of social science and market research - some contemporary, some ferreted out of dusty archives - that measures virtually every aspect of American life, from how many picnics and softball games we participate in each year to the number of public meetings we attend and petitions we sign.
Based on this research, Putnam argues that the hollowing out of our democratic infrastructure began suddenly in the late 1960s, when the first generation raised on television reached adulthood. The privatizing effects of television, Putnam estimates, have caused about 25 percent of the decline in social and civic engagement.
To a lesser degree, Putnam also cites the rise of two-career families, suburban sprawl and the resulting increase in commuting, all of which siphon off time, energy and interest in social activities. Combine these factors with devastating demographic momentum, where decreasing engagement by parents begets even less involvement on the part of their children, and the result is a very slippery slope indeed.
To all of this demographic lamentation, one might conceivably respond: So what? If people want to bowl alone, let them. It's no business of ours. But the trend nonetheless has disturbing implications, as the link between social capital (the personal) and civic engagement (the political) is a strong one. The lesser known continuation of de Tocqueville's observation on Americans' habits of association is that "in democratic countries knowledge of how to combine is the mother of all other forms of knowledge; on its progress depends that of all the others."
A democracy without this knowledge is a democracy without citizens, a disturbing oxymoron. As Putnam shows, social capital and civic engagement, or their lack, measurably affect public health, economic prosperity and social justice. In education, for example, parental involvement in the schools is now seen by many researchers as a key to students' success. But as Putnam observes, "The decline in PTA membership over the past several decades reflects many parents' disengagement from their children's schooling." In a state-by-state comparison, Putnam presents an intriguing, if not conclusive, sketch showing that states such as Vermont, Minnesota and Washington with relatively higher levels of social capital and engagement also have, other things being equal, less violent crime, higher educational performance, better health and higher personal income.
Short of mandatory bowling league membership, how can Americans reconnect to community life? Technology might be one way. Putnam says, "No sector of American society will have more influence on the ... state of our social capital than the electronic media and especially the Internet." Although he's concerned about the digital divide and computer-generated anonymity and isolation, he also is hopeful about the possibility of "hitherto unthinkable forms of democratic deliberation and community building - like citywide citizen debates about local issues or joint explorations of local history." Other solutions offered by Putnam include encouraging new, grassroots social and civic organizations, prodding employers to make workplaces "family-friendly and community-congenial," and greatly improving civic education in our schools.
Although this book is already long, one misses a more developed discussion by Putnam of such proposals. One wonders, for example, whether Putnam really believes that low-income workers in particular will be connected to civic and political participation in the absence of a revitalized labor movement. He seems to imply that such a connection can be created through employers' benevolence and enlightenment instead of workers' organized pressure and solidarity. And, yes, a national campaign to make civic education a top priority in public schools is a worthy goal. But getting from here to there when civic education has been so devalued is much easier said than done.
Nonetheless, this book deserves a wide audience. It deals seriously and imaginatively with one of the most urgent problems of our time. Putnam is an optimist who finds inspiration in the reform spirit of the turn-of-the-century progressive era, a period when American society was also experiencing revolutionary technological changes and growing disparities in wealth and power.
It was a time that reflected de Tocqueville's observation that the great privilege of Americans is not that they were more enlightened than other people, but that they had the capacity to correct mistakes that they commit from time to time. Putnam's work reminds us of this important tradition.
Paul Starr - The New Republic
Bowling Alone provides important new data on the trends in civic engagement and social capital, a revised analysis if the causes of the decline, an expoliration of its consequences, and ideas about what might be done. The book will not settle the debate, but it is a formidable acheivement. It will henceforth be impossible to discuss these issues knowledgeably without reading Putnam's book and thinking about it.
Christopher Farrell - Business Week
Bowling Alone is well worth reading. The topic is important, and the passion infectious. Putnam gets you thinking about the challenges to community in a high-tech economy. And that is worthwhile.Read all 7 "From The Critics" >
WHAT PEOPLE ARE SAYING
Staggeringly thorough and transient account of the decline of civil life in America which reads like a page-turning detective story. Bowling Alone is bound to be talked about and debated for years to come. (Robert Reich, Brandeis University)
Whether you agree with the central thesis of Bowling Alone, Putnam's argument deserves to be seriously considered by everyone interested in our social well-being. Each of us should read Bowling Alone, aloneand then discuss it together. (William Kristol, Editor and Publisher of The Weekly Standard)
A sweeping and brilliant exposition of social capitalthe invisible glue that makes our society work, especially in the Internet age. A must-read for those who wish to understand the critical questions of our time. (John Seely Brown, coauthor of The Social Life of Information)
Robert Putnam's Bowling Alone is must read. It is both troubling and encouraging: troubling because it carefully documents the lost community in our time, but encouraging because he demonstrates that it need not be this way. (Diane Ravitch, author of Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reform)
Bowling Alone is a tour-de-force. Robert Putnam has amassed an impressive array of evidence for his original and powerful thesis on the decline of social capital and civic engagement in the past several decades. This thought-provoking book will stimulate huge academic and national public policy debates on the crisis of the American community. (William Julius Wilson, Harvard University)